The fascism, which is an important link in the development dynamics of the capitalist imperialist system, continues to rise in the world and Turkey-Northern Kurdistan. Fascism and monism in this context are one of the characteristic codes of the Turkish sovereignty system. The relationship established by the Turkish sovereignty system with fascism and monism and the policies developed in this context produce itself in every aspect of life. Fascism and monism have been institutionalized in this respect. Trustees appointed to municipalities, universities and various institutions are a manifestation of the fascist and monist policy implemented by the Turkish ruling classes from past to present.

Fascism is on the rise again in the world. While historical fascism rose from the leadership cult of Hitler, Mussolini, Franco, and Kemal before, today it is built on the leadership of Erdoğan, Salvini, Bolsonaro and Orban. In the union of the old and the new, the transfer of peoples will to the leaders is the most fundamental point. In the point of view that ignores the relation of fascism with the capitalist system, fascist leaders are interpreted as “crazy people” revealed in a way contrary to the system. By showing the existence of the parliament and coming to power with elections as proofs of the absence of fascism, the society is asked to act in a fatalistic way. Fascism addresses to the economic concerns of the masses on the political and cultural level through nationalist and religious discourses. Thus “monism” is rationalized. The “national will”, which the ruling classes enshrined in their discourse, functions to provide their own legitimacy. Other than that, it has no meaning for rulers.

Fascism provides the mass base it needs, to a large extent, through mass communication networks. It has become easier to impose the propaganda language of fascism on the masses through radio, cinema, TV and especially the internet and social media networks today. It has an important role in stupefy the masses in the 21st century when media and information systems have become huge communication networks. The alliance formed by fascist parties such as AKP, MHP, Vatan Party (People’s Alliance) stuns the consciousness of the masses by using the media and information networks effectively. Fascist and monist politics mobilize the masses with the idea of “one country, one flag, one religion, one nation”. The Turkish rulers, using the nationalist and religious ideology as much as possible, try to absorb the fascist and monist politics in all areas of life, by interfering with cultural phenomena in accordance with the new reality.

The ruling classes, based on social uniformity, add nationalist discourse to their language. Turkish ruling classes and in particular the “People’s Alliance” usurps the will of the people by appointing trustees to municipalities, universities and various public institutions. The trustees appointed to many municipalities, especially those in Northern Kurdistan, means ignoring the legitimate will of the Kurdish nation by the Turkish sovereign system. Trustees appointed to Kurdistan municipalities act as colonial governors. Universities by the trustees appointed by Erdogan by ignoring the democratic will of the rectors elected by the will of the university components; they are wanted to be transformed into places where fascism and monism are institutionalized.

Melih Bulu, the trustee-rector appointed to Boğaziçi University in the last period, and the trustee-rector Mahmut Ak, who was appointed to Istanbul University in the past are the reflection of the faschist, monist political system in Turkey. When we approached the issue from a wider angle of view, with appointing trustees and fascist trustee rectors, monoist structure of Turkey’s political system is becoming clearer. The problem in the most general sense, is the fascist and unitary political system in Turkey. Opposing these attacks on the legitimate will of Boğaziçi University means, in the most general sense, the struggle against the institutionalized structure of the political system.

All students, especially Boğaziçi University students, and a significant segment of the society oppose the trustee rector Melih Bulu, who was appointed to Boğaziçi University. Students’ legitimate acts of resistance make the ruling classes uncomfortable. Erdogan, representatives of the ruling party and partners of the “People’s Alliance” target this legitimate resistance. It is known how alive the fear and anxiety that was created by the Gezi/Haziran Rebellion was. The Bosphorus resistance makes those groups  lose sleep and reminds them of the days of the “Gezi/Haziran Rebellion”. The bourgeois-fascist parties in the opposition, on the other hand, support the legitimate actions of the students with the understanding of taking power or being a partner in the upcoming elections by supporting them. The Turkish ruling classes, who interpret legitimate actions and rebellion as “terrorism”, are constantly spoken with the aim of putting the argument of “internal and external conspirators” used historically and bringing the “survival of the state” to the agenda, mobilizing the mass against legitimate rebellion movements. The political power, which carried out operations by the police to intimidate students to break the resistance of the Boğaziçi, aims to dampen the resistance by imposing house arrest on dozens of students. House arrest is not much different from people being arrested and sent to prisons. With this policy, the political power, prevents students from participating in resistance actions by imposing house arrest on the one hand, and conceals the fascist policies they implement against these legitimate actions. The European Union’s “democracy” rhetoric and multiculturalism approaches are becoming a focal point of criticism because of the fascist-monist policy of rulling classes, both in the world and Turkey-Northern Kurdistan. According to this understanding that distorts fascism’s relationship with the capitalist system; These emerging situations have nothing to do with bourgeois-democracy. In this context, fascist leaders are portrayed as “insane” who are transcendent, not inherent in the system. The struggle against fascism, which is inherent in the capitalist-imperialist system, can only be meaningful with an anti-capitalist understanding of struggle. We think that the understanding of reducing the struggle against fascism from its anti-capitalist content and reducing the matter to the struggle against fascism is not correct. Likewise, we also disagree the understanding of reducing the struggle against the system and its manifestations to only political power. A political approach to be developed in accordance with the understanding of a holistic struggle against the system and its various manifestations is the key to a communal struggle for life that the system is overcomed. In Kurdistan, the understanding that tries to take over the municipalities elected by the will of the people by eliminating the legitimate will of the Kurdish Nation and the understanding that appoints trustees by taking over the democratic will of universities is the reflection of the same political system. In such times when fascism has risen as much as possible in recent years and nationalism and monism have spread to the sociology of society, we continue to struggle with the awareness that communal solidarity, awareness and culture of rebellion are important against all monist understandings that the system produces in life. As communist students, we are continuing our struggle, being aware of our mission in the point of uniting the struggle of the students against fascism in Turkey-Northern Kurdistan and the struggle of all oppressed social categories, and revolt against fascism and monism without looking down!

REVOLt against capitalism, fascism, and monism!

REVOLT against trustees and trustee rectors!

REVOLT for an academic-autonomous and democratic universities!

REVOLT for a communal life!

Socialist Student Movement

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